Literacy Across Cultures March 1999 3/1
Acquiring Communicative Competence in the Reading Classroom
University of Malaya
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Introduction
The notion of social acceptability and the correct use of language depends on what we
understand of the norms of behavior in the target language. If the goals of language teaching
are to enable the learner to communicate with both native and non-native speakers in English,
then it is important that the norms of language behavior of interlocutors from a range of
different cultures are also taught in the English language classroom. This means that the
learners must not only be linguistically competent but also communicatively competent, having
"the knowledge of linguistic and related communicative conventions that speakers must have
to create and sustain conversational cooperation" (Gumperz 1982, p. 209). The differences in
accepted norms of behavior are generally reflected in speech acts. The analysis of speech acts
by Searle (1969) is of great interest in this connection because explicit criteria for the
functions of speech acts are proposed. In a speech act the relationship between grammatical
form and communicative function is accounted for by saying that each utterance is associated
with a certain illocutionary force indicating device or illocutionary act potential (Searle, 1969).
However, speech acts are not comparable across cultures (Schmidt and Richards, 1980).
Culture-specific speech acts necessitate a familiarity with value systems. Only then can the
illocutionary force behind the speech act be understood. Learners of English must be made
consciously aware of the differences in certain speech acts when used by a native speaker of
English and by a second language learner of the language because the values and cultural
norms underlying the English language which a non-native speaker uses are not necessarily the
same as those of a native speaker.
Kachru (1996, p.97) states that the new cultures in which English has been or is in the
process of being nativised have their own necessities for politeness, apology, persuasive
strategies, and so on. Consequently, there are many norms of speaking. Reading teachers
must not only be aware of cultural and socio-linguistic differences underlying the
communicative behavior of native and non-native users of English, but also transmit such
awareness to their learners. This paper argues that a higher proficiency reader can be made
aware of the values and cultural norms of a specific community through studying illustrations
of speech acts in literary texts. It is further argued that the learner of English can make use of
such texts to become aware of the way people speak in different cultures, even when the
language used is the same, i.e. English. The reading teacher's role can and should include
making language learners aware of such pragmatic differences in speech act realizations. To
demonstrate how this can be done, examples of the speech act of giving and responding to
compliments are given using excerpts from a literary text. A text about the experiences of an
American traveling in Japan provides examples of differences in the way Japanese and
Americans respond to compliments. These examples are analyzed to highlight the cultural
differences that underlie them, and suggestions are given for raising students'
awareness of these cultural differences to improve their communicative competence.
Compliments
Compliments are primarily aimed at "maintaining, enhancing, or supporting the addressee's
face" (Goffman, 1967). Compliment-giving and responding behaviour are used to negotiate
social identities and relations. Consequently, inappropriate choice of responses can lead to a
loss of face. Manes and Wolfson (1981) research the infinite number of indirect realizations
of a compliment and Chick (1991) investigates the many realizations of the responses to
compliments. Chick's (1996) study shows significant differences in the frequency and use of
response strategies by different ethnic groups in the University of Natal, Durban campus. For
instance, the Indian sample tended to give priority to the principle "avoid self-praise" over the
principle of "agreeing with the speaker." In another study, Olshtain and Weinbach (1988)
looked at 330 Israeli and 330 American responses to compliments and concluded that Israelis
accepted a compliment with greater difficulty than Americans. The American subjects were
likely to say "thank you" while the Israelis tended to apologise or to be surprised. Thus it can
be seen that in some cultures an acceptance of the compliment is the norm, while in other
cultures an acceptance would signify some derogatory connotations about the interlocutor
who accepts the compliment.
Specifically regarding the Japanese, there is prototypical agreement among researchers that
common responses to compliments are denial and avoidance. Saito and Beecan's (1977)
study shows Japanese normative response to compliments is a mixture of mainly negative
ways manifested by denial and avoidance, but may also at times use positive responses
manifested by gratitude.
There has been much interest in the teaching of pragmatic transfer of speech acts across
cultures. Olshtain and Cohen's (1991) article on the teaching of speech behaviour to
non-native speakers of English defines a compliment as a speech act to express solidarity
between speaker and hearer and to maintain social harmony. This goal will not be achieved if
speakers/learners are not aware or made aware of the variations in response patterns across
cultures. For example, Saito and Beecan's (1977) study showed that when responding to
compliments, American learners of Japanese did not use avoidance as much as native speakers
of Japanese. This minimal use of the avoidance strategy as compared to the common use of it
by native speakers of Japanese could lead to misunderstanding, undermining the intended goal
of maintaining social harmony. Findings like these demonstrate the need for teaching target
language learners to recognize culturally-based differences in complimenting behavior.
Materials and Methods
Dunham (1992) describes a series of techniques for teaching complimenting behaviour,
comparing how it is done in different cultures. The techniques include phrase lists and role
play. However, one unmentioned technique is using selected target-language reading texts
which contain extensive dialogue between members of different speech communities as a
source for consciousness-raising of the many manifestations of the response patterns to
compliments. Teachers can compile extracts of such dialogues for comparison and discussion.
This discussion shows how excerpts from a literary text, Bicycle Days by John Burnham
Schwartz, were used in the classroom with the aim of showing different speech realizations
for responses to compliments by English and Japanese speakers. Of course, different books
can be used according to content and teaching goals. Regardless of which book is used, the
role of the teacher is to alert and sensitize students to the differences in the communication
styles and expectations of interlocutors from different cultures. As shown below, the
selections from the text can be used as a springboard for further discussion and analysis.
Links between such realizations and cultural norms can be made explicitly by the teacher or
through awareness-raising activities by students. Analysis can help learners learn to adapt
their responses to a compliment in such a way that it aligns with the value systems of the
interlocutor.
Analysis of Text
Examples (presented below) from Bicycle Days, a record of a young American's sojourn in the
social and business worlds of Japan, show many responses to compliments both by Japanese and
American interlocutors which demonstrate cultural differences in responding to compliments.
Example 1
Alec (the American) to Mrs. Hasegawa (his Japanese hostess) (p. 42)
Alec: The sukiyaki is delicious
Mrs. Hasegawa: No, it is terrible.
Alec (the American) to Mrs. Hasegawa (his Japanese hostess) (p. 42)
Alec: The sukiyaki is delicious
Mrs. Hasegawa: No, it is terrible.
Example 2
Alec to a Japanese woman (p. 166)
Alec: Your blouse is beautiful.
Japanese woman: No, it is nothing.
Alec to a Japanese woman (p. 166)
Alec: Your blouse is beautiful.
Japanese woman: No, it is nothing.
In examples 1 and 2 the Japanese disagrees with and denies the compliment. Humility and
modesty, part of Japanese cultural norms, are reflected in such a denial. Negating a
compliment is a deferential act aligned with cultural norms and value systems (Saito and
Beecken, 1997). The reading teacher can then use these examples as a trigger to ask the
following questions: "How would you react to such a compliment in L1? In L2?" and "Is the
Japanese hostess rude in not responding to the response in example 3?".
Example 3
Alec to Mrs. Hasegawa (p. 248)
Alec: Your dress is very pretty, mother.
Mrs. Hasegawa: Eat.
Alec: The shrimp is delicious.
Mrs. Hasegawa: Eat the rice, too.
Alec to Mrs. Hasegawa (p. 248)
Alec: Your dress is very pretty, mother.
Mrs. Hasegawa: Eat.
Alec: The shrimp is delicious.
Mrs. Hasegawa: Eat the rice, too.
Example 4
Alec to a Japanese girl (p. 51)
Alec: Nice to meet you. Your English is terrific.
Japanese girl: Not true, but thanks anyway.
Alec to a Japanese girl (p. 51)
Alec: Nice to meet you. Your English is terrific.
Japanese girl: Not true, but thanks anyway.
Example 5
Alec to a Japanese girl (p. 98)
Alec: You have a good voice.
Japanese: Thank you but I do not practice enough
Alec to a Japanese girl (p. 98)
Alec: You have a good voice.
Japanese: Thank you but I do not practice enough
Example 4 shows that with the young Japanese interlocutor Alec
receives a negation of the compliment followed quickly by thanks,
whereas in example 5, although the Japanese speaker
initially begins by thanking, this response is quickly followed in the
same turn by a demeaning of self ("I do not practice enough"). The
compliment is downgraded in the response. However, in sharp contrast,
Alec's American friend immediately responds to a compliment by thanking
Alec in Example 6 (below).
Example 6
Alec to American friend (p. 176)
Alec: You look good, too.
American friend: Thanks.
Alec to American friend (p. 176)
Alec: You look good, too.
American friend: Thanks.
Instead of doing the analysis for the students, the teacher could
ask leading questions or a broader question like, "Is there any
difference you see in the way the Japanese and the American respond to
compliments? Compare examples 3-6."
Example 7
Alec with Japanese grandparents of his hostess (p. 152)
Grandfather: Grandmother makes the best nabe in Japan. The best.
Grandmother: It is not true Alec. My husband is only teasing me. Besides, Alec is helping me. He is a very good cook
Alec: (silent)
Alec with Japanese grandparents of his hostess (p. 152)
Grandfather: Grandmother makes the best nabe in Japan. The best.
Grandmother: It is not true Alec. My husband is only teasing me. Besides, Alec is helping me. He is a very good cook
Alec: (silent)
In example 7, the Japanese grandmother not only rejects her
husband's compliment but in turn uses this as an opportunity to pay a
compliment to Eric. Eric, the American, who would normally accept a
compliment by thanking the speaker, ignores this compliment and does not
respond to it. Perhaps he does not perceive it as a compliment but as a
means used by the Japanese grandmother to reduce the compliment by
deflecting the compliment to Alec.
The teacher could at this juncture also use this opportunity to
discuss the different
functions of compliments. What appears to be on the surface a
compliment could be meant as a sarcastic comment, or a joke, or in this
case perhaps a saving of Alec's face, if this was the intent of the
Japanese host. The teacher could also use such dialogues to discuss the
realisations of not only the responses but also the form and nature of
the compliments themselves: the number of times people compliment, the
kinds of things people compliment, the words used and how they differ
from culture to culture.
Thus, it can be seen that in such an analysis, the teacher can
use the text to make the
language learner not only aware of cross-cultural differences in
responses to compliments but also of the nature of a given compliment
itself.
Conclusion
This paper advocates an additional dimension to the role of the
reading teacher. The
teacher has to make advanced language learners aware of cross-cultural
differences in
communication. Responses to compliments and other speech acts vary
across cultures.
Responses to compliments include acceptance of the compliment,
deflecting and even ignoring it. The language teacher in the reading
classroom can make use of appropriate reading texts
as a starting point to such cultural awareness. While this paper
provides examples of the
responses to only one speech act, compliments, literary texts can be
used to sensitize the more proficient language learner to socio-cultural
ramifications of a range of speech acts.
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